Club Cultures -Music, Media and Subcultural Capital- 1996 Sarah Thornton
1 The Distinction of Culture Without Distinction p.1-25
Introduction
The purpose of this book is not to celebrate the creativity of dance culture (it seems to me that this needs no proving), nor to canonize dance music nor elevate the status of discotheques. In fact, except for some discussion of the taste war between disc-dancers and Musicians’ Union in the first chapter, I don’t investigate in depth the value of people outside dance culture, Instead, I am concerned with the attitude and ideal of the youthful insiders whose social lives revolve around clubs and raves. p.2
→本書の目的はダンスカルチャーやディスコのテクニックを称揚するものではなく、その周辺で営まれる若者たちの態度と観念に関心を払う。
Despite having once been an avid clubber, I was an outsider to the culture in which I conducted research for several reasons. p.2
※ソーントンかつては熱心なクラバーだったのに、調査に入る際には以下の理由から余所者になっているというお話。
Club culture are taste culture. Club crowds generally congregate on the basis of their shared taste in music, their consumption of common media and, most importantly, their preference for people with similar tastes to themselves. p.3
→クラブはfurther affinity, knowledge of the like and dislikesに基づいて構成されるad-hocなコミュニティである。
My intention is to explore three principals, overarching distinction which can be briefly designated as: p.3
①the authentic vs phoney（正統 vs まがいもの）
②the ’hip’ vs the ‘mainstream’（ヒップな vs 主流）
③the ‘underground’ vs ‘the media’（アングラ vs メディア）
→3つの差異（化）の検討が本書の課題
※’hip’の訳語に適したものが思いつかん……”ナウい”とかがそれっぽいけど……。あとthe ‘media’じゃなくて’the media’とする意図がわからん。
〇本書の構成
[1] in the first of this book, I explore the distinction between the authentic and inauthentic, the ‘real’ happening and the non-event, original dance records and formula pop. p.4
→音楽消費の変化を基盤として、ディスコシーンにおける正統の意味は、「生きた」音楽から、quintessentially recordedに転換された。こうした趨勢を感性や審美性からではなく探求する。
※生きた音楽＝authentic／quintessentially recorded=phoney
[2] The second distinction I investigate is one principally discussed as that between the ‘hip’ world of the dance crowd in question and its perpetually absent, denigrated other – the ‘mainstream’ p.5
→“ヒップ”なダンス群集／メインストリームに位置する人々の間の差異の検討。Youthful clubber and raver ideologies are almost as anti-mass culture as the discourses of the art world. p.5
[3] In the final section of the book, I examine the distinction between the ‘underground’ and ‘the media’ which encompasses a series of further contrasts including the esoteric versus the exposed, the exclusive versus the accessible, the pure versus the corrupted, the ‘independent’ versus the ‘Sold out’. p.6
→とはいえクラブカルチャーとメディアの関係性は多様で複雑であるため、メディアはmicro/niche/massに区分される必要がある。
Of course, consumers of popular culture have been depicted as discerning, with definite likes and dislikes, but these tastes are rarely charted systematically as ranked standards, p.8
In Britain and to a lesser extent North America and Australia, studies of popular culture – particularly studies of youth subcultures – have been dominated by a tradition associated with the 1970s work of the Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies, University of Birmingham, England p.8
※ソーントンは若者文化としてのサブカルチャー調査の鏑矢を70年代のCCCSに見出している。フィッシャーやベッカー＝シカゴ学派第2～4世代あたりとかの方が早かった気がしないでもない。
→より包括的な意味―下位集団としてのサブカルチャー概念だから含まれなかった感じ？
Given that so many years have passed, it should come as no surprise that this study is indebted to their work but is nevertheless distinctly ‘post-Birmingham’ in several ways. p8
→バーミンガムのサブカルチャー概念との決別ないしは刷新が必要。以下の点で、本書は「ポスト・バーミンガム」的研究となる。
① first, this book doesn’t adopt their theoretical definitions of ‘subculture’ for the main reason that I found them to be empirically unworkable. Instead I use the term ‘subculture’ to identify those taste cultures which are labelled by media as subcultures and the word ‘subculture’ as synonym for those practices that clubber call ‘underground’. p.8
→従来の“サブカルチャー”概念の理論的定義とは決別。代わりに’subculture’はメディアによってラベリングされたtaste文化として、’subcultural’はクラバーたちがいう’underground’の実践の同義語とする。
→どっちかといえばシカゴ学派の実証的サブカルチャー研究に近い。ベッカーの ’deviant’＝逸脱概念はdistinctionの別角度から捉えたもの。
※さっきから出ているメディアの意味がつかめない。少なくともマスメディアとイコールではなさそう（内包はしているが）。
※２追記：「いわゆるメディア——何らかのコンテンツとそれを複製・通信・放送・保存・再生・編集するためのデバイスないしインフラストラクチャー——は、さまざまなメディア空間およびそこでの共生を実現するテクノロジーである。」[難波 2007 pp.79-80]
→この直前・直後でソーントンがこの定義でのメディアについて言及している箇所が引かれているため、おそらくこうした時空間的制限を越えてコンテンツを共有するデバイスとしてのメディアが本書での大意のはず。
② Second, the classic Birmingham subcultural studies tended to banish media and commerce from their definitions of authentic culture. p9
→CCCSは正統文化からメディアや商業主義を排除する傾向があった。例としてヘブディジ、ウィリスなど。
③ Third, the book does not offer a synchronic interpretation of subculture or textual analysis of their sound and style, but an analysis explicitly concerned with cultural change. p9
→（CCCSのような）共時的なサブカルチャーのスタイル分析ではなく、通時的な文化の変化を俎上に載せる。特にCultural transformationは二つのピリオドから考察される。
→[1]二次大戦以後のレコードとレコードイベントの歴史的正統性の変遷 [2]1988～1992年までの、acid houseにおける複合的文化とメディアの変遷、レイヴ・ムーヴメントの趨勢をエスノグラフィーで分析
④ Finally, this book is not about dominant ideologies and subversive subcultures, but about subcultural ideologies. pp.9-10
→ヘゲモニー闘争といったように支配／対抗というイデオロギー形態についての議論ではなく、サブカルチャーそれ自体をめぐるイデオロギーについての議論を展開する。
〇したがって本書が理論枠組みに採用するのは、こうしたCCCS的なサブカルチャー概念ではなく、ブルデューが提示した枠組みである。In trying to make sense of the values and hierarchies of club culture, I’ve drawn from the work of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, Particularly his book Distinction (1984) and related essays on the links between taste and the social structure. p.10
→ブルデューの理論枠組みを採用する利点として、流動的社会構造の理念系を得ることができることが挙げられる。One of the many advantages of Bourdieu’ schema is that it moves away from rigidly vertical models of the social structure, p.10
〇加えてブルデューは文化資本の下位概念として、’linguistic’ ’intellectual’ ’information’などを挙げる。However, it is possible to observe subspecies of capital operating within other less privileged domains. p.11
→In thinking through Bourdieu’s theories in relation to the terrain of youth culture, I’ve come to conceive of ‘hipness’ as a form of subcultural capital. p.11
※ここで本書のキー概念の一つサブカルチュラル・キャピタルが登場。先の難波によれば「サラ・ソーントンが論じたのは、出自にともなう文化資本とは異なる、各自が各様に身につけた「サブカルチュラル・キャピタル」がクラブ・シーンに動員されることによって、「クラブ・カルチャーズ」が立ち上がる過程であった。」[難波 同 p.75]
I would argue that clubs are refuges for the young where their rules hold away and that, inside and to some extent outside these space, subcultural distinctions have significant consequence. p.11
〇サブカルチュラル・キャピタルには文化資本同様、「身体化された（embodied）形態」と「客体化された（objectified）」形態がある。
For instance
Objectified …… fashionable haircut, record collection(‘white label’, limited edition etc…)
Embodied …… ‘in the know’, using current slang, the latest dance style
It has been argued that while ultimately defines cultural as capital is its ‘convertibility’ into economic capital. While subcultural capital may not convert into economic capital with the same ease or financial reward as cultural capital, a variety of occupation and incomes can be gained as result of ‘hipness’. p.12
Although it converts into economic capital, subcultural capital is not as class-bound as cultural capital. p.12
→サブカルチュラル・キャピタルは、（文化資本と異なり）経済資本に直接的に変換はされないが、間接的に‘ヒップネス’の見返りとしての収入や職業の獲得に繋がることはある。
→文化資本とは異なり階級的作用を受けにくい／与えにくい。
A critical difference between subcultural capital and cultural capital is that the media are a primary factor governing the circulation of the former. p.12
For, within the economy of subcultural capital, the media are not simply another symbolic good or marker of distinction, but a network crucial to the definition and distribution of cultural knowledge. pp.12-13
→文化資本／サブカルチュラル・キャピタルの決定的違いは、後者がメディアによる文化的知識の定義と配分を行う点。またブルデューの文化資本論にはこうしたメディアの存在が無視ないしは軽視されている。
Youth and their Social spaces
※この節は若者をめぐる文化的背景の整理なので割愛。
2 Authenticities from Record Hop to Raves (and the History of Disc Culture) p.26-86
The Authentication of Mass Medium
※この節は二つの音楽文化の正統性について＝“アウラ”獲得・喪失／コミュニティにおける機能
Authenticity is arguably the most important value ascribed to popular music. It is found in different kind of music by diverse musician, critics and fans, but it is rarely analyzed and is persistently mystified. p.26
In an age of endless representation and global mediation, the experience of musical authenticity is perceived as a cure both for alienation (because it offers feeling of community) and dissimulation (because it extends a sense of the really ‘real’). p.26
→音楽の正統性は神秘的なもの、「本当のもの」といったアウラをまとっており、脱経験的な領域にあるとされ、分析の俎上に載せられることは少なかった。
Walter Benjamin believed that the awe reserved for unique objects would decline in democratized world of mass-produced cultural goods. However, he knew this process would be difficult, for ‘cult value does not give way without resistance’ and was even suspicious that it would’ retire into an ultimate retrenchment: the human countenance’ p.27
※『複製技術時代の芸術』からの引用。ベンヤミンはアウラの喪失が複製技術の台頭によって起こることを予見しつつも、他方で文化的価値が簡単に喪失すること難しいとも主張していた。
What Benjamin did not and could not foresee was the formation of new authenticities specific to recorded entertainment, for these were dependent on historical changes in the circumstances of both the production and consumption of music. p.27
→In the process of becoming originals, records accrued their own authenticities. Recording technologies did not, therefore, corrode or demystify ‘aura’ as much as disperse and re-locate it. Degrees of aura to be attribute to new, exclusive and rare records. pp.27-28
→レコード文化は（ベンヤミンの予言とは裏腹に）音楽のアウラ≒正統性を変容させた。アウラは新しさ、珍しさ、独占可能性に宿るようになった。
〇他方で、あるコミュニティにおける紐帯として音楽が必要とされるとき、正統性がそこに宿ることになる。
The ultimate end of technology’s enculturation is authentication, in other word, a musical form is authentic when it is rendered essential to subculture or integral to community. p.28
[ex.]1950～60年代のレコードホップ、ディスクセッション、70年代のディスコ、80年代のクラブ、レイヴなど。
→90年代においてはイギリスのナイトダンスクラブにおいて、レコードカルチャーは根付いており、そこには外部の音楽文化とは差異付けられる特別な意味が宿っている。In the 1990s, record have been enculturated within the night life of British dance club to extent that it makes sense to talk about disc culture whose value are markedly different from those of live music culture, p29
〇また音楽はクラブのような一過性の空間的な共同体ではなく、エスニシティやセクシャリティ、国家などの大きな共同体の紐帯としても機能しうる。Subculture authenticities are often inflected by issues of nation, race and ethnicity, p.30
[ex.]ブラックブリティッシュ・ディスクカルチャー、ゲイクラブでの音楽など
〇ここまでを整理すると、レコードによって変容した音楽の正統性は、アウラ／共同体の紐帯という二種類に区別することができる。
①the first sort of authenticity involves issue of originality and aura; this value is held most strongly by DJs.
→related: definitions of culture as art（アート的定義での正統性）
②the second kind of authenticity is about being natural to the community or organic to subculture; this is the more widespread ideal.
→related: culture in anthropological sense of a ‘whole way of life’ （文化人類学的定義での正統性）
※p.31の’live’ culture／disc cultureの対応表を確認
※この章長いので、ソーントンが本節でさしあたっての議論の展開をざっくり整理している。①政治的エコノミー（音楽消費の生産についての議論）②レコード音楽により、どのようにダンスという社会的空間が変容したか ③広範な流通を受けたことによるレコード形式の変化 ④レコーディングの特殊性と中流家庭における音楽の種類 ⑤live gigの形態と意味の変化について
Authenticity is regularly mentioned in studies of popular music but it tended to be discussed in term of nebulous free-floating beliefs. […] The main aim of this chapter is therefore, to ground the changing values of authenticity in transformed processes of music production and consumption. p.34
Industrial Forces, Musician Resistance and ‘Live’ Ideology
※この節はレコードの黎明期におけるMusician’s Unionの抵抗とその’Live’ musicイデオロギーについてのお話。系譜的な整理になるので端折りつつ。
Their Progressive colonization of public space, however, was actively fought by the Musician’s Union which was the first body to see the practice as serious cultural development. p.35
Throughout this forty-years period, however, the Union reinforced its legislative efforts with ‘propaganda’ about the superiority and authenticity of live music. p.35
→プロパガンダによる法的努力で、レコード文化を取り締まろうとした。
※レコードがどのような変遷で公的空間における音楽メディアとなったか。
〇レコードができた当時は私的空間においてダンスレッスン使う用途が主だった。
→アメリカではジュークボックスの台頭でこれが覆されることになる。
[1920年代] ラジオの急速な発達で、音楽が番組を占める一大要素となる。
[1930年代] ターキー映画という例外を除き（ターキーでは生演奏だった）、レコード音楽が外で聴かれるものという風潮ができあがりはじめる。
→30年代初頭には、パブやコーヒー・バー、レストランなどにレコード会社が財政的支援をし、レコードをかけてもらうようになる。
[二次大戦中] レコードはもはや外で遊ぶ際のバックグラウンド・ミュージックとしての地位を確立した。しかしそれが大きな公的空間でのイベントのメインとなることは少なかった。この頃からMusician’s Union のレコードの公的使用に対する反発が見られ始める。At about this time, the Musician’s Union came to the first of many agreements with Phonographic Performance Limited (PPL) to attempt to combat the public use of records. p.38
[1950年代] Musician’s Unionが’live’イデオロギーのもと、プロパガンダ運動をし始める。During the fifties, the Musician’s Union started calling for propaganda campaign against records which would attack their moral and aesthetic inferiority, draw on new notion of live music and strengthen its position with PPL, p,41
→The term ‘live’ entered the lexicon of music appreciation only in the fifties. p.41
At first, the word ‘live’ was short for ‘living’ and modified ‘musicians’ as in the following passage: ‘during and since the war recorded music has been used more and more instead of “live”’ instrumentals’ (Musician’s Union report 1949) p.41
The ideology of ‘liveness’ was one of the Union’s principal strategy ‘to combat the menace’ of recorded music. The Union initiated its ‘live’ music campaign in the fifties, adopted the slogan ‘keep Music Live’ in 1963 and appointed a full-time official to oversee the project in 1965. p.42
It is tempting to draw parallels between the views of the Musician’s Union and Jean Baudrillard’s treaties on hyperreality and the death of culture. For both, culture is dying on the altar of techniques of reproduction. p.42
→ボードリヤールの「文化の死」観とミュージシャン・ユニオンの運動は近い思想を基にしている。シミュラークルの歳差によって、もはやオリジナル（live）とコピー（record）との垣根は不明瞭となった。
The ideology of live music was eventually adopted by rock culture (cf. Frith 1981a), becoming most strident in reaction to the attention disco music brought to discotheques in the mid-seventies when tensions erupted into what was effectively a taste war. p.43
※ここよくわからん。’live’の思想はロックに根付いて／recordはディスコ音楽を支えることになった→70年代におけるtaste闘争（live-rock vs record-disco）の緊張が高まったって解釈でよいのかな？
This has to do with the disparate audience with which the same music was affiliated in the two countries. Int Britain, discotheques and disco music had a huge straight white working-class following and were not as they were in the USA, strongly identified with gay, black and Hispanic minorities. p.44
→イギリスではホワイトカラーが、アメリカではゲイやエスニックマイノリティが、それぞれディスコ・ミュージックを享受した。
All this is not to argue that live music is dead, but that it no longer appeals to the broad base of the population that it once did and is no longer economical in many of the circumstances it once was. p.49
→結局liveミュージックは死なないながらも、聴衆への訴求力は失ってしまった=liveミュージック／recordという対立はrecord側が勝利を収めた。本節を総括するとThis section has explored the technological, economic and legal determines of the shifting public presences of recording and performance. p.51
〇本節に続く以下の4節のうち3節では、recorded entertainmentのイデオロギーが立脚している、3つの鍵となる要因について検討していく。
First: Records increased their allure as a result of being affiliated with the new type of occasion, new social spaces and ‘new’ social groups - all of which contributed to the increasing subcultural authenticity of record. p,51
→新しい社会空間と社会的集団によって、レコード・ミュージックがサブカルチャーにおける正統文化に地位向上していく過程。
Second: Records adapted to their public use, changed their format to suit discotheques and to satisfy the exigencies of a new profession, the club disc jockey. p.51
→新しい立場であるディスク・ジョッキーによる、レコード形態の変化。
Third: As the studio rather than the stage became the key site for the origination of music, so recording in certain genres began to acquire aura. p.51
→音楽発信の核となる場所がステージからスタジオに移ったことに伴い、レコードがアウラを獲得していくことになる。
‘Real’ Events and Altered Space
The authentication od disc for dancing was dependent on the development of new kinds of event and environment, which recast recorded entertainment as something uniquely its own, rather than a poor substitute for a ‘real’ musical event. p.51
→By using new labels, rubrics, interior design and distracting spectacles, disc dance were rendered distinctive. p.51
When asked today whether they danced to records at their local dance halls and youth clubs before rock’n’roll, people tend to remember if they were dancing to a band but not if they weren’t. p.52
→This may be evidence of the ability of records to ‘simulate’ in Baudrillard’s sense of the word; they do not so much imitate as ‘mask the absence’ of performance (Baudrillard 1983a:11) p.52
※シミュレート(Baudrillard)＝パフォーマンス主体の「不在を覆い隠す(mask the absence)」
‘Hops’ gave the activity a distinct identity, transforming it into a noteworthy event rather than simply an intermission or occurrence. Significantly, record hops were identified with youth and youth alone. p.53
→’hop’は明確に行為にアイデンティティを与えるようになり、それは若者文化として享受されることになった。
Later incarnation of disc dance did not target only youth, but smaller demographic segments and shades of taste. In 1966 in New society, Reyner Banham argued that the cultural formation that grew up around records were characterized by what he playfully called ‘uinyl deviationa’. p.53
One of the main social function of records – their distribution of culture – had been superseded by radio. As a result, the gramophone became ‘a system for distributing deviant sound to the disaffected cultural minorities whose peculiar tastes are not satisfied by the continuous wallpaper provided by radio [like the] BBC’ (New Society 1 December 1966) p.53
→New Society誌が書いているように、レコードの主要機能がラジオにとってかわられたことに伴い、レコードは独特の趣味として、マイノリティに享受される特権的文化になった。
→ここでのマイノリティというのはエスニック、セクシャルのことで、これに加えて（マイノリティではないが）階級的趣味としてもレコードの地位は変化した。
The enculturation if records for dancing was first fostered by development of the new kind of event and, only second, promoted by new kinds of environment. p.53
→The space of 1960s’ discotheques defined themselves against the architecture of dancehalls whose interior the same for years and whose models of elegance were royal (hence the ‘Palais’ and ‘Empires’) or relics of nineteenth-century bid for respectability. […] Discotheques were emphatically different and self-consciously unconventional. p.54
※ディスコの空間は、従来的な（19世紀の貴族的）ダンスホールと対照的なつくりをしていた＝型破りな自己イメージがあった。
〇ディスコは、イギリスの貴族的踊り場という伝統から意識的に決別し、クラスレスな空間としてその地位を確立した。
The fresh names and renovated interiors were not simply a means of rejuvenation: the discotheque’s constant search for liberation from tradition extends to legacy of British class cultures. p.55
→The discotheques, like youth culture generally, was positioned as classless. p.55
In contrast to the record sessions held in old-style dancehalls, discotheques attempted to offer complete sensory experiences – ones often intensified by the use of alcohol and/or drugs, which have been mainstays of youthful dance experience since disc session took on their own premises, p.57
→ディスコが、空間的イメージ以外にオールド・スタイルのダンスホールと異なる点は、アルコールやドラッグによってその官能的経験を促進したことが挙げられる。
Disc Jockeys and Social Sounds
〇ディスコがレコードのための独特な空間・時間を構成したのに対して、レコードはその特殊的空間の社会‐文化的要請に適応し、奏法を形式化した（ディスコ／レコード間の相互作用）。
Discotheque have carved out distinctive times and place for recorded music. With their different senses of place and occasion, they have, as their name suggests, effectively accommodated discs, p.58
→But records have also adapted to the social and cultural requirements of the evolving dance establishment, modifying their formats and formalizing the manner in which they are played. Disc jockeys have had a decisive role in conducting the energies and rearranging the authenticities of the dancefloor. p.58
〇70年代に入ると、ディスコに適した12インチシングルがアメリカ、次にイギリスで主流となった。ヴォーカルや重低音、ドラムが除外された12インチシングルは、DJの演奏（介入）が必須のレコード形態だった。
The new record format was better suited for playing at high volume over club sound-systems and its extended version had instrumental breaks where the song was stripped down to the drums and bass with very little vocal in order to facilitate seamless mixing of one track into another. p.59
→Pre-eminently, twelve-inch records were made specifically for DJs, The recorded entertainment at the heart of disc culture is not automated. DJs incorporate degrees of human touch, intervention and improvisation. p.59
The changes in the DJ’s occupational status reflected the progressive enculturation of recorded entertainment. The DJ’s job has changed dramatically since the Second World War, moving from unskilled worker through craftsman to artist, but also through a less linear process involving degrees of anonymity and celebrity, collection and connoisseurship, performance and recording. p.59
Beyond the supply of record, the uses, skills and talents of DJs have long been viewed with some suspicion. the origin of the curious term, ‘disk jockey’, are disputed. p.61
→Nevertheless, whatever its etymology, the expression suggests that some sportsmanlike dexterity was required to perform the jobs. The new professional had to ‘ride’ a record much as a racing jockey might handle his horse at the track. But ‘to jockey’ also mean to gain advantage by skillful maneuvering, trickery or artifice. pp.61-62
※‘ジョッキー’という単語には競馬的な意味に加えて、‘熟練した操縦‘、’技巧‘、’技術‘といった意味もある。
At the vinyl single had been the raw material of DJ performance since rock’n’roll, it is not surprising that there was moment in the late 1980s when disc jockeys reacted negatively to the rise of the CD in a manner not unlike the way musicians of the 1970s responded to the proliferation of mobile discos. p.63
→By the early 1990s, however, many clubs were fitted with CD mixers, and DJs were adjusting to the new format, seeing the possibilities of its ‘purer’ sound, p.64
〇細かい技巧以上に、聴衆との「生きている」経験の共有こそが、DJが音楽文化においてもっとも重要な点である。
What authenticities club culture is not so much a unique DJ performance, as the ‘buzz’, ‘vide’, ‘mood’, or ‘atmosphere’ created in the interaction of DJ and crowd in space. It is as orchestrator o this ‘living’ communal experience that DJs are most important to music culture. p.65
Contrary to the old rock ideologies, the ‘live’ does not have an exclusive claim on collective music culture, nor is it the original to which disc culture is a dull and distant echo. p.66
※前々節で見たロックの‘live’との対比。レコード-ディスク・カルチャーにおいては、排他的な’live ideology’ではもはやなくなった。
The Authenticities of Dance Genres
The perceived authenticity of particular records and music genres is a complex issue entangled in several factor which are the subject of this section. p.66
First: Authenticity is dependent on the degree to which records are assimilated and legitimized by a subculture. Authentication is the ultimate end of enculturation.
（given the discussions of the past two section.）
→正統性はレコードのサブカルチャーによる同化・合法化の程度に依存している。
Second: The distance between a record’s production and its consumption is relevant to the cultural value bestowed upon it. When original performers are remote in time or place, as is the case with foreign imports and revived rarities, records can acquire prestige and authority.
→レコードの生産／消費間の距離は、その文化的価値に関係する。例えば元の奏者と時空間的に離れた場所で演奏がなされれば、レコードは地位と権威を獲得する。
Third: The environmental in which a record is produced contributes to its authenticity. Records are more likely to be perceived as the primary medium of music whose main site of production is the studio.
→レコードの制作環境は正統性向上に貢献する。一般的にはスタジオがそのメインの場所として認識されている。
Finally: The ideological vagaries of music genres like their communication of bodily ‘soul’ or the revelation of technology play a main role in whether records come across as genuine. In other word, authenticity is ultimately an effect of the discourses which surround popular music.
→レコードの純正さは、音楽のイデオロギー——身体的な「魂」や技術の啓示といったものの変化がその判別に重要な役割を果たす。
The ideologies of music genres also played a crucial role in the authentication of recorded music and discotheques. Contemporary pop music has seldom been anathema to discotheques and has rarely tried to deny its recorded form. Rock however, has pivoted ideologically around the ideal of the live music event despite the fact that it is known by most listeners primarily in its recorded form and has often been played in discotheques. p.70
→音楽イデオロギーもレコードとディスコの正統性において重要な役割を果たした。ポップではレコード形式やディスコに対する批判が試みられることは稀だった。しかしロックは例外的にライヴでの音楽イデオロギーが強かった。
The repertoire of body movements associated with rock music often fails to be categorized as ‘dancing’. This may be because the gaze of the dancer is focused elsewhere, but it may also relate-to issues of cultural hierarchy. p.71
The ideological categories of ‘black’ and ‘white’ define the main axes of authenticity with dance music. Categories of gender and sexuality are employed with reference to pop, but varieties of dance pop such as Madonna ore the Pet Shop Boys actually fall outside the definitions of dance music which circulate in the predominantly straight and white club and rave cultures investigated here. p.72
The ‘black’ tradition: maintains a key interest in vocals and, in certain subgenres, ‘funky’ instrumentation. For white youth, black authenticity tends to be anchored in the body of the performer/ artist/ star – in the grain of the voice, the thumping and grinding bass, the perceived honesty of the performance.
The ‘white’ dance tradition: exchange fidelity to the body for the romance of technology. Described as electronic, progressive, industrial and techno, this music tends towards the instrumental and explore new computer sound possibilities.
The authenticities of dance music are complex and contradictory. They waver between an ancestral world of real bodies and city places and the new high-tech order of faceless machines and global dislocation. The categories ‘black’ and ‘white’ are often used as shorthand for these different sets of cultural values. p.76
→「黒人」「白人」という軸は、ダンスミュージックの複雑性の省略的表現として用いられる。
The Response of the ‘Live’ Gig
Record sessions and discotheques gained popularity as sites of youthful leisure because they were set up for socializing to an easily altered soundtrack, they targeted youth and cohered with their subcultural ideologies. Additionally, within the aesthetic frame-works of many music genres, record, rather than performance, were increasingly being perceived as offering the best sound. p.76
〇こうしたレコードの地位向上の中で、パフォーマーは二つの原理（＝ライブミュージックとしての再発明）によって、その批判の声に対応した。
→[1]they faced the threat of recording by embracing new technologies and [2]they positioned themselves as the opposite of the mechanical and predictable disc, reinventing performance as ‘live music’. In other word, technology alone could not save the gig. p.77
Since 1960s, record have increasingly dictated the nature of performance for reason related to changes in both consumption and production. p.77
First, people come to know a group’s music through its records and their aural expectation sifted accordingly
Second, records have become paradigms for performance because new production techniques, particularly those derived from the use of magnetic tape, have allowed for multi-track recording as well as corrective and creative editing.
The meaning and value of ‘liveness’ in most pop and rock genres cannot be attenuated to the degree that it includes recorded lead vocals. Live lead vocals act as a guarantee of star presence and sincerity and, as such, are part of the perceived essence of pop music performance. p.82
The key to the success of these new kinds of performance was their delivery of recorded music different from that already available on released records. p.84
Conclusion
Authenticity in popular music and its primary medium, recording appears at first to be an idiosyncratic value. Upon sustained consideration, however, one can discern material foundations and ideological logics. The vagaries of the value can be related to concrete practices of production and consumption. p.85
〇ポピュラーミュージックにおける正統性とその主要手段であるレコードには、当初、特異な価値があると思われた。しかし、慎重に検討すると、その基盤とイデオロギーの論理を峻別することが可能である。そして、価値の変動は、生産と消費のプラティークに関連していると考えられる。
This chapter, however, has concentrated on processes of consumption and has found that enculturation is key. the enculturation of record for dancing was not automatic but slow enough to be the subject of ‘gaps’ between several generation. p.86
3 Exploring the Meaning of the Mainstream (or why Sharon and Tracy Dance around their Handbags) p.87-115
A Night of Research
※この章はフィールドノーツなので割愛
Academic Accounts of the Cultural Organization of Youth
※mainstreamとサブカルチャーの関連性についての先行研究まとめの節。p.97の表をもとに整理すると、
Mainstream
Alternative
CCCS（Hebdge）
Dominant culture ＆
Bourgeois ideology
Subculture
Deviant vanguard
Mungham,
McRobbie
Mass culture
＆ Commercial ideology
Subculture
Deviant vanguard
Frith,
Evans
Mass culture
＆ Commercial ideology
Student culture
Educated vanguard
各論者が想定するmainstream／alternativeの対立図式は以上のようになる。
〇上述の先行研究を受けて、ソーントンは、
I investigate the mainstream as an important feature of the embodied social structure of youth. p.98
→I shall explore some of the ideological functions and social ramifications of the mainstream. I’ll then consider some of the methodological and epistemological problems involved in researching and representing the social organization of club culture, p,98
〇mainstreamのイデオロギー的機能と、その分流について考察し、次にクラブカルチャーの社会的組織の研究における調査と表現に内包される、方法論的‐認識論的問題について検討する。
The Social Logic of Subcultural Capital
The music with which club crowds affiliate themselves are characterized by a fast turnover of singles, artist and genres. Club culture is faddish and fragmented. pp.98-99
For these reasons, many clubbers would say it is impossible to chart the pattern of national club cultures. Nevertheless, they constantly catalogue and classify youth cultures according to taste in music, form of dance, kind od ritual and styles of clothing. p.99
→クラバーはクラブカルチャーの図表化は困難であるというが、彼らは常に音楽の趣味やダンスの形式、儀礼的行為、服のスタイルによって若者文化を分類し続けている。These mental maps, rich in cultural detail and value judgement, offer them a distinct ‘sense of their place but also a sense of the other’s place’ (Bourdieu 1990:131) p.99
→クラバーとレイバーは自らをmainstreamの「外(sense of the other’s place)」に位置づける。
Although one is most likely to hear this playlist at a provincial gay club, the oft-repeated, almost universally accepted stereotype of the chart-pop disco was that it was a place where ‘Sharon and Tracy dance around their handbags’. p.99
→This crowd was considered unhip and un-sophiscated. They were denigrated for having indiscriminate music taste, lacking individuality and being amateurs in the art of clubbing. p.99
※’Sharon and Tracy’ …… the name was used by English news paper article in 1980s to refer to woman with poor taste.
The clichés have class connotation. Sharon and Tracy, rather than, say, Camilla and Imogen, are what sociologists have tended to call ‘respectable working-class’. They are not imagined as poor or unemployed, but as working and aspiring. […] They do not enjoy the classless autonomy of ‘hip’ youth. p.101
→’Sharon and Tracy (dance around their handbags)’ はプア・テイストな人々を揶揄する表現で、この語には階級的含意がある。すなわち働くことをよしとする労働への志向があり、彼らは ‘hip’ な若者たちによる、クラスレスな文化を享受することができない。
※ここよくわからん。’Sharon and Tracy’は結局mainstreamとどういう関係なのだろうか。クラスレスなhip文化から区別されるという点においてmainstream文化を揶揄した表現という解釈でよい？
Age, the dependence of childhood and the accountabilities of adulthood are also signaled by the mainstreams. The recurrent trope of the handbag is something associated with mature womanhood or with pretending to be grown-up. p.101
→It is definitely not a sartorial sigh of youth culture, nor a form of objectified subcultural capital, but rather a symbol of the social and financial shackles of the housewife. p.101
The material condition of youth’s investment in subcultural capital (which is part of the aestheticized resistance to social ageing) results from the fact that youth, from many class back-grounds, enjoy a momentary reprieve from necessity. According to Bourdieu, economic power is primarily the power to keep economic necessity at bay. p.102
→若者のサブカルチュラル・キャピタルへの重要な投資条件は、背景にある階級的必要性から一過的な猶予期間を得ることに起因する＝サブカルチュラル・キャピタルはブルデューのいうような「生活の必要性から距離を置いた趣味」の上に立脚している（若者であるがゆえに経済資本とは一定の距離を置くことが可能である）。
[ex.] since 1950, the ‘teenage market’ has been characterized as ‘economic indiscipline（経済的無規律）’
Freedom form necessity, therefore, does not mean that youth have wealth so much as that they are exempt form adult commitments to the accumulation of economic capital. In this way, youth can be seen as momentarily enjoying what Bourdieu agues is reserved for the bourgeoisie, that is the ‘taste of liberty or luxury’. p.103
→かといって若者は、成人時の経済的要請から自由になれるほど経済資本を持っているわけでもない。あくまで一過的な猶予期間であり、「自由ないし贅沢なテイスト（ブルデュー）」を一時的に享受しているに過ぎない。
※ここの「自由ないし贅沢なテイスト」＝自由⁻贅沢趣味（ブルデュー）
〇また若者の内訳に目を向けると、女性よりも男性の方がサブカルチュラル・キャピタルを有していることがわかる。これは女性の方が早く結婚するため、経済的要請から自由な猶予期間が短いことに起因する。これに伴い、女性のテイストにも男性との差異が見られる。
Girls and women are also more likely to identify their taste in music with pop. Over a third of women (of all ages), compared to about quarter of men, say it is their favorite type of music. pp.103-104
They conclude by describing the male use of music as ‘central and personal’ and the female orientation to music as ‘instrumental and social’ (Christenson and Peterson 1988:299) p.104
Subcultural capital it the linchpin of an alternative hierarchy in which the axes of age, gender, sexuality, and race are all employed in order to keep the determination of class, income and occupation at bay. Interestingly, the social logic of subcultural capital reveals itself most clearly by what it dislikes and by what it emphatically isn’t. The vast majority of clubbers and ravers distinguish themselves against the mainstream. p.105
〇サブカルチュラル・キャピタルは、経済力による卓越化の代替物として、年齢、ジェンダー、セクシャリティ、人種を導入する（＝経済力ではなく他の諸要素によって卓越化する）。
Participation versus Observation of Dance Crowds
※この節は参与と観察の対立について
One complication of my fieldwork resulted from the fact that the two methods that make up ethnography – participation and observation – are not necessarily complementary, In fact, they often conflict. p.105
①As a participating insider … one adopts the group’s views of its social world by privileging what it says／社会的世界内部の成員の立場から何を「言う」かに重きを置く
②As a observing outsider … one gives credence to what one sees／社会的世界外部の立場から何を「見る」かに重きを置く
This methodological contradiction between participation and observation is best understood within the epistemological conflict which Bourdieu discuss in terms of subjectivism and objectivism. As John Thompson aptly summarizes… p.106
Subjectivism is an ‘intellectual orientation to the social world which seeks to grasp the way the world appears to individuals within it’; it explores people’s belief and ignores the unreliability of their conceptions.
→主観主義は「世界がどう見えるか」ということをその人の視座に立って解釈し、その人の抱く観念や概念の真理性については留保する。
Objectivism is an approach to social world which ‘seeks to construct the objective relations which structure practices and representations’; it explains life in term of material conditions and ignores the experience individuals have of it.
→客観主義は実践と表現を構成する客観的関係を明らかにしようとし、物質的条件から説明を与える。物質的条件に対する個人の経験には解釈は与えない。
〇ブルデューによれば主観／客観主義は社会的現実の二側面the double natureを両極から捉え過ぎている（実際は両者が相互に関係しあって存在する）。一方に物質的に条件づけられた世界があり、一方でその物質的条件は諸個人の信念やテイストに基づく振舞いによって構成されている。
According to Bourdieu, both modes of thought are too one-sided to describe adequately to grips with the double nature of social reality. On the other hand, social life is determined by material conditions, but, on the other, these conditions affect behavior through the intercession of belief and tastes. p.106
→これを踏まえた上で、本節ではクラバーとレイバーの主観的世界を描き出す他方で、それによって構成される客観的な物質的条件についても考察する。
Several times, I even observed the old and the new mainstreams together in the same room. p.106
[ex.] Glasgow club what had just ceased to be called ‘acid house’
→To apply the label ‘mainstream’ to any of these would have run the risk of denigrating or normalizing the crowd in question, I could always find something that distinguished them – if not local differences, then shades of class, education and occupation, gradations of gender and sexuality, hues of race, ethnicity or religion. p.106-107
→いずれかにmainstreamのラベリングをしてしまうと特定のcrowdsをノーマライズしてしまうリスクがある。
Ethnography is a qualitative method that is best suited to emphasizing the diverse and the particular. The mainstream, by contrast, is an abstraction that assumes a look of generality and quantitative sweep. p.107
※エスノグラフィーとmainstreamの対照性。前者が多様性と特殊性を強調するのに対し、後者は一般性と量的広がりから（諸個人の）抽象化を行う。
My method was one of ethnographic survey, rather than the more common ethnographic case study, which meant that representativeness was a particular concern. I consulted government statistics and market research but because their date on dancing tends to be either incomplete or very general, I was unable to construct a convincing random sample of clubs. Nevertheless, I did discover material that helped me to assemble a more objectivist picture of club culture, particularly with regard to the site that has been consistently identified as the location of mainstream by dance crowds and academics alike – the Mecca disco. p.107
→ソーントンのエスノグラフィーでは代表性の問題（＝mainstreamをどう捉えるか）が懸念されており、政府統計や市場調査でそれを補おうとするも、それらが過度に一般化する傾向があったためこれを断念。しかし学者とダンスcrowds共にmainstreamと見なす場所—Mecca discoを観察することで客観性の問題をクリアすることができた。
Mecca disco: owned fifty-eight out of an estimated fort thousand nightclub in Britain. […] Mecca promoted its clubs under four hierarchically ranked brands: their two main chains, Ritzy and 5th Avenue, their so-called ’smaller. More intimate and exclusive brand’, CinderellaRockerfellas, and their flagship venue, The Palais in Hammersmith. p.107
In distributing my participant observation, I was certain to attend Mecca venues and mixed-genre ‘chart-pop’ clubs, but I also did my best to explore a balance of black and white, gay and straight, student and non-student clubs and raves. p.108
Both mainstreams were, in fact, closely associated with specific media texts. The ‘dancing around handbags’ crowd was imagined principally as an enthusiastic audience of Top of the Pops; as one clubber put it, these club were full of people who ‘think Top of the Pops is trend-setting’. This crowd was also identified with late-night programme called The Hitman and Her […] as another clubber explained ‘chartpop’ discos were ‘full of the Hitman and Her’. p.109
※ここでいったん整理。
〇mainstreamはどちらかといえばミーハー趣味。
→揶揄の対象としての’Sharon and Tracy (dance around their handbags)’みたいな人たち。
〇clubber はこのmainstreamから距離を置こうとする（sense of the other’s place）＝mainstreamのideological function／distinctionの実践（＝本章の主題）
〇またmainstreamの人々のテイストは(mass)メディアに強く依存している。
→Top of PopsやHitman and Her（テレビ番組）などの熱狂的な聴衆である傾向が強い。
〇ただメディアの類型（mass/niches/micro）によって、それが結びつける社会集団は変わるっぽい？これが次章の主題になるはず。
In contemporary Britain, the media are bound to be an important source of information about other social groups and, consequently, a means of orientating oneself in the social world. Like its ancestor the ‘mass’, it would seem that the mainstream is, to a large extent, read off media texts. p.109
The size, ethnic diversity and of local, regional and niche media in the United States weaken the myth of the ‘mainstream’, Whereas, in the United Kingdom, the ‘mainstream’ is a more powerful idea to youth and academics alike not only because of predominately white and Anglo-Saxon population, but also due to the primacy of national mass media centralized in London. p.110
→アングロサクソンの大部分はmainstream/mass-mediaを受容する／人種的多様性があるグループはnicheなメディアを受容する（この話は次章で詳しく検討）
So how are club crowds objectively organized? First, it is worth emphasizing that ‘crowd’ is the word used by clubber and raver to describe the collection of people who go out dancing. […] crowds may contain a nucleus of regulars, degrees of integration and clusters of cliques Unlike the ‘Mass’, they are local and splintered. p.110
→crowdsは統合／小集団への分裂の程度を含む概念。彼らは’Mass’とは異なり、ローカルであり、分裂的である。
〇ではどのようにnon-mainstreamなcrowdsは小集団へと差異化されているのか。
第一にセクシャリティ Although no one social difference is paramount in all clubs, the axis along which crowds are most strictly segregated is sexuality – a fact which betrays the importance of clubs as a place for people to meet prospective sexual partners whether they are gay or straight. p.112
→同性愛者でも異性愛者でも性的パートナーを探すためにクラブを利用している事実によって裏付けられる。
第二に音楽のテイスト the second most important factor determining who congregates where is taste in music. p.112
→ブルデューのいうように、音楽は味覚の次に身体化されたテイストであり、第二の自然化された経験であると言える。Although socially conditioned, musical taste is experienced as second nature. p.113
〇またあるクラブに対して、ふさわしくないtasteを持つ者には諸々の手段によってクラブへの参入が拒否／組織されることになる。
→第一に自己選別、第二にroutes of communication（次章で検討）、第三にドアマンによる拒否
Self-selection is the first principle in the organization of club crowds; routes of communication is the second; door policy is the third. pp.113-114
Conclusion
Reference to the mainstream are often a way of deflecting issues related to the definition and representation of empirical social groups. p.114
〇ここまでをまとめると以下の表ができる
Us
Them
Alternative
Mainstream
Hip/cool
Straight/square/naff
Independent
Commercial
Authentic
Fales/phoney
Rebellious/radical
Conformist/conservative
Specialist genres
Pop
Insider knowledge
Easily accessible information
Minority
Majority
Heterogeneous
Homogeneous
Youth
Family
Classless
Classed
Masculine culture
Feminine culture
4 The Media Development of ‘Subcultures’ (or the Sensational Story of ‘Acid House’) p.116-168
The Underground versus the Overexposed
The idea that authentic culture is somehow outside media and commerce is a resilient one. In its full-blown romantic form, the belief suggests that grassroots culture resist and struggle with a colonizing mass-mediated corporate world. p.116
Every music scene has its own distinct set of media relations. ‘Acid house’, a dance club culture which mutated into ‘rave’ after sensational media coverage about drug use, is particularly revealing of the cultural logics involved. p.116
→すべての音楽シーンはメディアと独特な距離関係を保っている。例えば‘アシッド・ハウス’はドラッグに関するセンセーショナルな報道によって一躍脚光を浴びた音楽ジャンルであり、メディアの文化的論理を明らかにする好例であるといえる。
※アシッド・ハウス……1987年ごろからシカゴ、ロンドンで同時多発的に始まった、電子音楽、ファッション、クラブカルチャーをミックスしたカルト的現象。代表的なアーティストとしては808ステイトなど。
I don’t uncover pure origins or organic homologies of sound, style and ritual, nor vilify a vague monolith called ‘the media’. Instead, I examine how various media are integral to youth’s social and ideological formations. p.116
→明らかにするのは若者の社会的・イデオロギカルな形成において不可欠なメディアの役割について。その前準備としてメディアを以下の3種に区別しておく。
Local micro-media like flyer and listings are mean by which club organizers bring the crowd together.
Niche media like the music press construct subcultures as much as they document them.
National mass media, such as tabloids, develop youth movements as much as they distort them.
The term ‘underground’ is the expression by which clubbers refer to things subcultural. More than fashionable ore trendy, ‘underground’ sounds and style are ‘authentic’ and pitted against the mass-produced and mass consumed. Undergrounds donate exclusive worlds whose main point may not be elitism but whose parameters often relate to particular crowds. p.117
→‘アンダーグラウンド’はクラバーたちがサブカルチュラルなものを指すときに用いる用語で、大量生産—消費に対抗するスタイルと音楽の正統性を主張する。選民思想とまではいかないが、排他的な世界をしばしば構成する。
〇メディアは文化的知識の創造、分類、分配に不可欠な制度的ネットワークを構成する。
The underground espouses a fashion system that is highly relative; it is all about position, context and timing, its subcultural capitals have built-in obsolescence so that it can maintain its status not only as the prerogative of the young, but the ‘hip’. This is why the media are crucial; they are the main disseminators of these fleeting capitals. They are not simply another symbolic good or indicator of distinction, but a series of institutional networks essential to the creation, classification and distribution of cultural knowledge. p.18
〇3つのサブカルチャー／メディアの先行研究（伝統）について。
①The Birmingham tradition tended to study previously labelled social type – ‘Mods’, ‘Rockers’, ’Skinheads’, ‘Punks’ -but gave no systematic attention to the effects of various media’s labelling processes. […] Moreover, the Birmingham tradition frequently positioned subcultures as transparent niches in an opaque world as if subcultural life spoke an unmediated truth. p.119
→CCCSは類型化を行うが、その中で果たすメディアの役割に注意を払ってこなかった。また無批判にサブカルチャーをニッチなものとして位置づける傾向もあった。
②Sociologies of ‘moral panic’, a second academic tradition that addresses the subject of youth culture and the media, contrast with the cultural studies on several key points. While the subculturalists depict full-brown subcultures without any media intervention, scholars of ‘moral panic’ assume that little or nothing existed prior to mass media labelling. p.119
→カルスタとは対照的に、‘モラル・パニック’の社会学は、マスメディアの果たす機能を過度に強調していた。
③Ethnographies of music scenes, like subcultural studies, tend to see the media as outside authentic culture. they depict internally generated culture, disclose local creativity and give positive valuation to the ‘culture of the people’ but only at the cost of removing the media from their pictures of the cultural process. p.120
To understand the relation between youth subcultures and the media, one needs to pose and differentiate two question. p.121
How do youth’s subcultural ideologies position the media?
→若者のサブカルチャー・イデオロギーはどのようにメディアを位置づけているか。
How are the media instrumental in the congregation of youth and formation of subculture?
→メディアはどのように若者の集まりやサブカルチャーの形成に寄与するか。
Similarly, the second question about how the media do not just represent but mediate within youth culture can only be fully understood in relation to club cultural ideologies. pp.121-122
若者文化においてどのようにメディアが介在するのか、という2つ目の問いは、クラブ文化のイデオロギーの関係性の中でのみ把握することが可能である。
Mass Media: ‘Selling Out’ and ‘Moral panic’
From the point of view of clubber and ravers, in particular, micro niche and mass media have markedly different cultural connotation. Moreover, their distinct processes of circulation have different consequences for clubber. p122
→ここからの3節はメディア論。ミクロ／ニッチ／マスメディアの果たす文化的コノテーションはクラバーに対して異なる影響をもたらしている。
〇本節はマスメディアの果たす機能についての議論で、
Mass media, for instance, affirmative coverage of the culture is the kiss of death, while disapproving coverage can breathe longevity into what would have been the mots ephemeral of fads. p.122
※kiss of death ……一見親切な命取りの行為。ユダのキリストに対するキスが由来。
In this section, I examine these dynamics of ‘selling out’ and ‘moral panic’ in relation to three national media: prime-time television, national public service radio, and mass circulation tabloid newspapers. p.122
→本節で取り上げるのは3つのマスメディア—テレビ、ラジオ、タブロイド紙における’selling out’と’moral panic’のダイナミズム。
This disdain for Top of the Pops is tied up with a measure of contempt for signals sales chart. Clubbers have a general antipathy to what they call ‘chartpop’ which does not include everything in the top forty but rather the ‘teenybop’ material identified with girls between eight and fourteen. p.123
→クラバーによるTop of the Pops＝売上が高いチャートに対する見下し。Top of the Popsに含まれるのは彼らがchartpopと呼ぶものおよびティーンエージャーの女子が聴くようなティーンポップなど。
Top of the Pops, rather than the singles chart per se, is seen as a key point of so-called ‘selling-out’. […] If one were to take this discourse about ‘selling out’ at face value, one might see it as anti-commerce or resistant. pp.123-124
→留意しておくべき点はシングルチャートそれ自体ではなく、Top of the Popsそれ自体が’selling out’の重要なキーポイントとして解されているということ。
‘selling out’ means selling to outsiders, which in the case of Top of the Pops means those younger and older than the club-going sixteen-twenty-four-year olds who do not form the bulk of the programe’s audience, partly because they watch less television than any other age-group. p.124
→selling outとはアウトサイダーへの売り出しを意味する＝top of the popsを聴かない（またはそのテレビ番組を見ない）、16歳から24歳までのグループを意味する。アンチテレビ＝アンチマスメディアの層。
First, these programmes are sufficiently narrow-cast to escape negative symbolization as the over ground. Second, they have high video content – a form which is somehow seen to maintain the autonomy of music culture and has credibility amongst clubbers. p.125
Two basic strategies for maintaining an underground sensibility and immunizing oneself against the domesticity of Top of the Pops are disguise and parody; dance acts frequently hide their face with sunglasses, hoods and hats and / or go ‘over the top’ in their performance. Nothing is less ‘cool’ than taking Top of the Pops seriously. p.126